Answer ALL questions. Short answer questions may be answered in bullet points or short sentences. For levels-marked questions, write a structured response with developed explanation and, where required, a judgement. The final 30-mark essay should show balanced evaluation, precise terminology and relevant examples. Allocate your time so the 30-mark essay receives at least 35 minutes.
1
Define the term 'patriarchy' as it is used in discussions of feminist theory and politics, naming the social domains it commonly covers.
(Total for Question 1 is 1 mark)
2
State one central aim of liberal feminism in relation to gender equality within existing political and legal institutions.
(Total for Question 2 is 1 mark)
3
Give two tactics or practices commonly associated with radical feminist organising in the 1960s and 1970s, naming their intended political effect.
(Total for Question 3 is 2 marks)
4
State how socialist or Marxist feminists link patriarchy and capitalism in their analysis of gender inequality, and give one short example of the mechanism they identify.
(Total for Question 4 is 2 marks)
5
Identify two UK legal reforms that reflect liberal feminist aims to improve women's political or economic opportunities, and give one brief consequence of one reform, dated where appropriate.
(Total for Question 5 is 3 marks)
6
Explain briefly why radical feminists emphasise personal and family life as a site of political struggle, naming one implication for feminist strategy.
(Total for Question 6 is 3 marks)
7
Explain two criticisms that radical feminists make of liberal feminism's approach of legal and political reform within the existing system.
(Total for Question 7 is 4 marks)
8
Distinguish between liberal and radical feminist views of how change should be achieved in society and politics. This is a 10-mark short-answer question assessed by a point-band scheme.
(Total for Question 8 is 10 marks)
9
Explain briefly one similarity shared by liberal, radical and socialist feminists in their overall aims, and give one limitation of that shared point.
(Total for Question 9 is 5 marks)
10
Explain two ways in which socialist feminism's linking of patriarchy to capitalism changes the diagnosis of women's oppression compared with liberal feminism, giving a short example for each way.
(Total for Question 10 is 6 marks)
11
Evaluate the extent to which feminists disagree over how equality should be achieved. In your answer, compare liberal, radical and socialist approaches and reach a reasoned judgement.
(Total for Question 11 is 24 marks)
Mark scheme · POL.NCI2 Liberal and Radical Feminism: Tensions Within the Tradition
Question 1
B1 a concise definition identifying patriarchy as a social system in which men hold primary power in family, social and public institutions
Answer: Patriarchy is a social system in which men hold primary power and dominate political leadership, economic advantage, cultural authority and decision-making within family and public life.
Question 2
B1 one accurate stated aim, for example securing equal legal and political rights and opportunities for women within existing institutions
Answer: To secure equal legal and political rights and opportunities for women within existing political and legal institutions.
Question 3
B1 one accurate tactic with intended effect, for example consciousness-raising groups to show personal experience is political
B1 a second accurate tactic with intended effect, for example women-only separatist spaces or direct action to highlight male violence and patriarchy
Answer: Consciousness-raising groups, intended to show that personal experiences of oppression reflect wider political structures; creation of women-only separatist spaces or direct action protests, intended to resist male-dominated institutions and draw attention to male violence and structural patriarchy.
Question 4
B1 identifies the general link that capitalism exploits women through unpaid or low-paid labour and reinforces gender divisions
B1 gives a brief example of the mechanism, for example unpaid domestic labour reproduces labour power for the market
Answer: Socialist feminists argue that capitalism exploits women's unpaid domestic and caring labour and that patriarchal gender divisions are reproduced by capitalist economic relations; for example, unpaid childcare and housework reproduce labour power that benefits employers and reduces the cost of labour reproduction for capital.
Question 5
B1 identifies one accurate UK reform, for example the Equal Pay Act 1970
B1 identifies a second accurate UK reform, for example the Sex Discrimination Act 1975 or later statutory parental leave provisions
B1 gives a brief consequence with date, for example the Equal Pay Act 1970 provided a legal basis to challenge wage discrimination though gender pay gaps persisted
Answer: Examples: the Equal Pay Act 1970; the Sex Discrimination Act 1975 (or later statutory parental leave provisions introduced in the 1990s and 2000s). The Equal Pay Act 1970 provided a legal basis to challenge wage discrimination, though gender pay gaps persisted and required further legislation and case law to address.
Question 6
B1 identifies that radical feminists view patriarchy as rooted in personal, domestic and sexual relations rather than only in public institutions
B1 explains why this matters, for example because everyday family practices reproduce gender hierarchies and male authority
B1 gives an implication for strategy, for example advocacy of consciousness-raising, separatism or transformation of intimate relations rather than only legal reform
Answer: Radical feminists view patriarchy as embedded in personal, domestic and sexual relations, so everyday family practices reproduce gender hierarchies and male authority. This leads to strategies that target private life, such as consciousness-raising, women-only spaces and attempts to transform intimate relations, rather than relying solely on legal reform of public institutions.
Question 7
B1 identifies one criticism, for example that legal equality does not change private relations or deep cultural attitudes
B1 develops that criticism, for example examples of persistent domestic inequality despite legal rights
B1 identifies a second criticism, for example that liberal feminism relies on institutions that are themselves patriarchal and can co-opt feminist aims
B1 develops that criticism, for example how incremental reform may blunt radical aims or preserve structural gendered power
Answer: One criticism is that legal and political reforms do not transform private relations or deep cultural attitudes, so inequalities in the household and sexual relationships may persist despite formal equality. Another criticism is that liberal feminism depends on institutions that are themselves patriarchal and can co-opt feminist aims, so incremental reform can blunt more radical transformation and leave underlying structures of male power in place.
Question 8
Level 1 (1-3): Basic or partial distinction that names one or two features of either liberal or radical feminism, with limited development or accuracy.
Level 2 (4-6): Clear distinction with accurate points about both liberal and radical approaches, but less precise development or limited range of examples.
Level 3 (7-10): Detailed, accurate and well-developed distinction that explains how liberal feminists favour reform through law and institutions while radical feminists stress transforming private life, consciousness-raising and, where applicable, separatism, with relevant examples or brief evaluation of the differences.
Indicative content:
Liberal feminism advocates change through legal reform, equal opportunities policies, access to education and employment, and working within existing political institutions to secure formal equality.
Radical feminism argues patriarchy is rooted in personal and family life and cannot be solved by legal reform alone, so it emphasises consciousness-raising, changing personal relationships, cultural practices and in some cases separatist strategies or revolutionary transformation of gendered social relations.
Examples that might be used: liberal feminist campaigns for equal pay legislation or anti-discrimination law; radical feminist use of consciousness-raising groups in the 1970s and campaigns against domestic and sexual violence.
A strong answer may note that the difference is partly strategic and partly diagnostic: liberals see the problem as legal and political exclusion, radicals see the problem as social and cultural reproduction of male power.
Question 9
B1 identifies one similarity, for example a shared commitment to reducing gender-based oppression and improving women's life chances
B1 explains why this is a similarity across the strands
B1 identifies one limitation or qualification, for example disagreement over whether legal reform, cultural change or economic transformation is the correct priority
B1 develops the limitation, for example how priorities affect policy preferences and alliance-building
B1 provides a brief example or brief concluding comment tying similarity to its limits
Answer: Similarity: all three strands share a commitment to reducing gender-based oppression and improving women's life chances, whether by law, cultural change or economic transformation. Limitation: they disagree on the primary causes and therefore on priorities, for example liberals prioritise legal reform and individual opportunity, radicals prioritise transforming private relations and culture, and socialist feminists prioritise changing capitalist economic relations, which leads to different policy preferences and potential tensions in coalition politics.
Question 10
B1 identifies one way, for example that socialist feminists see economic structures as foundational to gender inequality rather than only legal exclusion
B1 develops this with an example, for example unpaid domestic labour enabling capitalist profit by reproducing labour power
B1 identifies a second way, for example that socialist feminism emphasises class and economic exploitation interacting with gendered labour markets
B1 develops this with an example, for example concentration of women in low-paid caring and service jobs as beneficial to capital
B1 provides further development linking diagnosis to different policy priorities, for example redistribution, socialisation of care or workplace reform
B1 additional concise example or implication for strategy distinguishing socialist from liberal responses
Answer: One way is that socialist feminists treat economic structures as foundational, arguing that unpaid domestic labour reproduces labour power for employers, so addressing domestic labour and social care is necessary rather than only legal equality. A second way is the emphasis on how class and capitalist labour markets shape gendered outcomes, for example how women are overrepresented in low-paid caring and service sectors which capital relies on; this diagnosis leads to policy priorities like redistribution, workplace reform and socialising care, beyond the liberal focus on anti-discrimination and equal opportunity.
Question 11
Level 0 (0): No relevant content.
Level 1 (1-6): Basic or fragmentary knowledge of feminist strands with little or no analysis or evaluation. Claims are general and unsupported by examples.
Level 2 (7-12): Clear, accurate knowledge of at least two strands and some developed analysis of their differing prescriptions for achieving equality, with limited evaluation or unbalanced judgement. Use of examples may be limited.
Level 3 (13-18): Detailed and accurate knowledge of liberal, radical and socialist approaches used to construct a sustained analysis of their disagreements. Evaluation weighs strengths and weaknesses of each approach and begins to reach a supported judgement, using appropriate examples.
Level 4 (19-24): Sophisticated, wide-ranging and accurate knowledge applied to a tightly argued evaluation that compares the strands on how equality should be achieved. Analysis and evaluation are well integrated, examples are precisely chosen and the response reaches a clear, well-substantiated and balanced judgement about the extent of disagreement.
Indicative content:
Liberal feminism: diagnosis focuses on legal, political and institutional barriers; prescriptions include anti-discrimination laws, equal pay measures, gender mainstreaming, quotas and expansion of opportunity. Strengths include achievable, incremental change and use of established institutions; weaknesses include limited effect on private life and persistent cultural norms.
Radical feminism: diagnosis focuses on patriarchy rooted in private and sexual relations and cultural norms; prescriptions include consciousness-raising, transformation of personal relationships, challenging sexual politics and in some currents separatism or revolutionary change. Strengths include attention to lived experience, domestic violence and cultural change; weaknesses include potential impracticality of separatism and difficulty of implementing sweeping cultural transformation.
Socialist feminism: diagnosis links patriarchy to capitalist economic structures; prescriptions include socialising care, redistributive policies, workplace transformation and addressing unpaid labour. Strengths include attention to economic structures and material conditions; weaknesses include potential underestimation of cultural and sexual dimensions and challenges of coordinating class and gender movements.
Areas of substantial disagreement: strategy and priority, for example whether legal reform is sufficient, whether private life must be centrally targeted, and whether economic transformation is necessary. These lead to different policy mixes and different allies in politics.
Areas of common ground: all strands reject gender oppression, support improved material conditions and safety for women, and often overlap in concrete campaigns (for example against violence, for reproductive rights and for workplace protections). This common ground permits tactical alliances despite deeper theoretical disagreement.
Evaluation might consider empirical evidence: legal reforms have improved formal rights but not erased pay gaps or domestic inequality, suggesting limits to liberal strategies; radical insights have broadened political attention to private violence and culture but have struggled to secure institutional change alone; socialist proposals highlight structural economic levers that could reduce material inequalities but face political difficulty in implementation.
A strong conclusion weighs these points and reaches a judgement on the extent of disagreement, for example arguing feminists disagree substantially on diagnosis and priorities, and therefore on the means to achieve equality, but share enough practical aims to collaborate on specific reforms, so the disagreement is deep in theory but often narrower in practical politics.