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Work, Poverty and Welfare: Explanations and Measurement of Poverty - Worksheets, Questions and Revision

11 original exam-style questions - 2 pages of questions with a full mark scheme - free printable PDF.

This topic is chapter 14 of A Level Sociology: Beliefs in society, global development and more Practice Book.

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A-Level · Sociology

GSOC.AL39 Work, Poverty and Welfare: Explanations and Measurement of Poverty

AQA 7192 · about 55 minutes
Total Marks
Name: _______________________________    Date: ____ / ____ / ______
Answer ALL questions. Use full sentences for questions worth 4 marks or more. Spend about 75 minutes on the whole paper.
1
Define what Weberian sociologists mean by 'life chances' and explain briefly how this concept helps to explain poverty in a contemporary society like the UK.
(Total for Question 1 is 3 marks)
2
Identify and explain one piece of evidence a sociologist might seek to test Murray's underclass thesis about areas of persistent poverty.
(Total for Question 2 is 2 marks)
3
State one strength of using a multidimensional poverty measure like Townsend's index rather than only an income threshold, in sociological research about poverty in the UK.
(Total for Question 3 is 2 marks)
4
Using your sociological knowledge, explain two policy limitations when trying to reduce the feminisation of poverty in contemporary Britain.
(Total for Question 4 is 4 marks)
5
Discuss how far sociologists would agree that poverty in contemporary industrial societies is best explained by structural factors rather than by culture or individual behaviour. In your answer you should evaluate competing perspectives and reach a supported conclusion.
Discuss how far sociologists would agree that poverty in contemporary industrial societies is best explained by structural factors rather than by culture or individual behaviour. In your answer evaluate competing perspectives and reach a supported conclusion.
(Total for Question 5 is 12 marks)
6
Define what sociologists mean by 'relative poverty' when measuring poverty within a nation such as the UK.
(Total for Question 6 is 2 marks)
7
Identify and explain one weakness of using a subjective survey question asking people whether they feel poor to measure poverty in a national British sample.
(Total for Question 7 is 2 marks)
8
Outline two ways Townsend's relative deprivation index differs from a simple government income-threshold measure when assessing poverty in Britain.
(Total for Question 8 is 4 marks)
9
Identify and explain one criticism of using a simple income threshold such as 60% of median income to decide who is in poverty in the UK.
(Total for Question 9 is 4 marks)
10
Item A: A local council area survey reports that 25% of households have incomes below 60% of the national median, but the same survey also finds 18% of households lack at least two goods or activities considered typical in that area, such as replacing worn-out clothes or inviting friends to the house. Using Item A and your sociological knowledge, explain two ways these two measures might give different perspectives on poverty in this council area.
(Total for Question 10 is 4 marks)
11
Identify and explain two ways Marxist explanations account for poverty in modern industrial societies.
(Total for Question 11 is 4 marks)
Mark scheme · GSOC.AL39 Work, Poverty and Welfare: Explanations and Measurement of Poverty

Question 1

  • B1 definition: identifies life chances as opportunities individuals have to improve their quality of life and access resources
  • B1 applies the concept to poverty, e.g. limited life chances due to low status, poor education or weak marketable skills reduce access to well-paid jobs
  • B1 development, e.g. this explains poverty as a result of unequal distribution of economic and social resources rather than individual moral failure
  • Answer: Life chances are the opportunities individuals have to improve their quality of life and access resources; limited life chances, through low status, poor education or weak marketable skills, reduce access to well-paid jobs and so help explain poverty as a result of unequal distribution of economic and social resources.

Question 2

  • B1 identifies suitable evidence, e.g. longitudinal data showing intergenerational unemployment and welfare dependence in certain areas
  • B1 explains why it is relevant, e.g. such evidence would support or challenge the claim that poverty and family breakdown persist across generations
  • Answer: A sociologist could use longitudinal data tracking families to see if unemployment and welfare dependence persist across generations in certain areas; this would test Murray's claim that an underclass culture perpetuates poverty across generations.

Question 3

  • B1 identifies a genuine strength, e.g. captures different aspects of living standards and social participation
  • B1 brief development, e.g. this provides a fuller picture of exclusion than income alone
  • Answer: A strength is that a multidimensional measure captures different aspects of living standards and social participation, providing a fuller picture of exclusion than income alone.

Question 4

  • B1 identifies first limitation, e.g. childcare provision and costs limit womens ability to increase paid work
  • B1 develops first limitation, e.g. even if childcare funding increases, part-time low paid jobs and employer practices may persist
  • B1 identifies second limitation, e.g. pension rules and fragmented employment histories make reducing old-age female poverty difficult
  • B1 develops second limitation, e.g. policy changes to pensions require long lead times and face political resistance
  • Answer: Two limitations are that insufficient affordable childcare and persistent low pay in part-time work limit womens ability to increase paid work, and that fragmented employment histories and pension rules make reducing old-age female poverty difficult, since pension reform is complex and slow.

Question 5

  • Level 1 (1-3): Basic statements about causes of poverty with little development or use of sociological perspectives. Limited or no evaluation and a weak or no conclusion.
  • Level 2 (4-6): Clear description of one or two explanations, for example structural factors and cultural explanations, with some use of sociological ideas. Limited evaluation of strengths and weaknesses and a simple conclusion.
  • Level 3 (7-9): Good analysis of competing views: clear explanation of structural accounts such as Marxist and Weberian arguments and cultural or individualist accounts such as New Right explanations. Relevant evidence or examples used. Balanced evaluation showing understanding of limitations on both sides.
  • Level 4 (10-12): Excellent analysis and evaluation, comparing Marxist, Weberian and structural accounts with New Right and cultural explanations, and feminist perspectives on gendered poverty. Discussion of empirical evidence and methodological issues, recognition of complexity and interaction between structure and agency, and a supported, well-reasoned conclusion.
  • Indicative content:
    • Structural explanations: Marxist view of capitalism producing low pay, insecure employment and spatial concentration of poverty; Weberian life chances showing how class, status and party affect access to resources.
    • New Right and cultural explanations: Murray's underclass and culture of dependency, claim that attitudes, family breakdown and welfare dependency reduce employment incentives and perpetuate poverty.
    • Feminist perspective: feminisation of poverty shows structural factors intersect with gendered roles and labour market inequalities to produce gendered patterns of poverty.
    • Evidence and evaluation: use of longitudinal studies, regional unemployment data and measures of material deprivation to assess structural causes; criticisms of cultural explanations for blaming the poor and insufficiently accounting for economic restructuring.
    • Interactionist or nuanced approaches: some sociologists argue for a combination of factors, where structural economic change produces conditions in which certain cultural patterns emerge, so structure and agency interact.
    • Methodological issues: difficulties in proving causation, limits of income-thresholds versus multidimensional measures, and the role of ideology in shaping policy responses.
    • Conclusion should weigh the relative explanatory power of structural factors against cultural and individual explanations and argue a justified position, for example that structure provides the primary cause but culture and agency shape outcomes and policy effects.

Question 6

  • B1 identifies that relative poverty compares someone's resources to the standard of living in their society, not a fixed minimum
  • B1 development, e.g. often operationalised as having income below a percentage of median income, for example below 60% of median household income
  • Answer: Relative poverty compares a person or household's resources to the standard of living in their society; it is often measured as having income below a set percentage of median household income, for example below 60% of the median.

Question 7

  • B1 identifies a weakness, e.g. responses are influenced by personal expectations and cultural norms
  • B1 explains the weakness, e.g. two people with similar incomes might answer differently so the measure lacks objectivity and comparability
  • Answer: A weakness is that responses are influenced by personal expectations and cultural norms; two people with similar incomes might answer differently, so the measure lacks objectivity and comparability.

Question 8

  • B1 identifies first difference, e.g. Townsend uses multiple indicators of resources and living standards rather than income alone
  • B1 develops first point, e.g. Townsend included lack of common goods, overcrowding and inability to afford social activities
  • B1 identifies second difference, e.g. Townsend emphasises socially perceived necessities and exclusion rather than a single income cutoff
  • B1 develops second point, e.g. his approach captures exclusion from ordinary living standards as judged against society's norms
  • Answer: Townsend uses multiple indicators of living standards rather than income alone, for example lack of common goods and overcrowding, and he emphasises socially perceived necessities and exclusion rather than a single income cutoff, capturing inability to participate in ordinary social life.

Question 9

  • B1 identifies a criticism, e.g. it can classify people as poor even if they can afford essentials
  • B1 develops that point, e.g. households just below the threshold may not lack basic needs and differences in cost of living and household composition are not accounted for
  • B1 identifies a second criticism, e.g. it ignores non-income resources and debts
  • B1 develops second criticism, e.g. two households with similar incomes may differ in wealth, housing costs or in-kind benefits such as free school meals
  • Answer: A criticism is that an income threshold can label people as poor even if they can afford essentials, since it does not account for household composition or regional costs; it also ignores non-income resources and debts, so households with similar incomes may have very different material circumstances.

Question 10

  • B1 first point: identifies that income-threshold measure captures people below a numerical cutoff whereas Townsend-style goods measure captures actual deprivation
  • B1 development of first point, e.g. some households below 60% median may still afford common goods due to savings or benefits, while some above threshold may lack goods due to high household costs
  • B1 second point: identifies that goods-based measure reflects social exclusion and inability to participate in normal social life, not just low income
  • B1 development of second point, e.g. the 18% lacking goods may indicate pockets of severe exclusion even if they are not all income-poor by the threshold
  • Answer: An income threshold counts households below a set percentage of median income, so 25% may include some with temporary low income or with savings; a goods-based Townsend measure records actual inability to afford socially typical items, so the 18% figure highlights social exclusion. Thus the two measures can differ because income alone does not always reflect material deprivation or social participation.

Question 11

  • B1 identifies first Marxist point, e.g. poverty results from capitalist exploitation where surplus value is taken from workers
  • B1 develops first point, e.g. low wages and insecure employment are structural outcomes of profit maximisation
  • B1 identifies second Marxist point, e.g. poverty is maintained by ruling class ideology and institutions that legitimise inequality
  • B1 develops second point, e.g. education, media and the state reproduce ideas that blame the poor and justify low pay
  • Answer: Marxists say poverty arises from capitalist exploitation, where profit motives produce low wages and insecure jobs, and is reproduced by ruling class ideology and institutions such as education and media that legitimise inequality and blame the poor.

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