Crime Patterns by Class, Ethnicity and Age - Worksheets, Questions and Revision
17 original exam-style questions - 5 pages of questions with a full mark scheme - free printable PDF.
This topic is chapter 5 of GCSE Sociology: Crime and deviance Practice Book.
5.5 Crime Patterns by Class, Ethnicity and Age
Item E: Two wards, two pictures
A hypothetical scenario written for this exercise; the wards, figures and study described are entirely invented.
A student researching crime statistics for a class project compares two neighbouring, entirely fictional wards. In Ashfield ward, police stop-and-search rates for young people are three times higher than in Oakdene ward. However, an anonymous self-report survey of teenagers in both wards, carried out for the same class project, finds broadly similar levels of reported drug use in Ashfield and Oakdene. Ashfield also has a larger number of visible police patrols and CCTV cameras than Oakdene.
- A) crimes committed at night
- B) the gap between crimes that actually occur and crimes recorded in official statistics
- C) crimes committed only by children
- D) the total number of crimes solved by the police
- A) self-report study
- B) victim survey
- C) official statistic
- D) moral panic
Question 1
- B1 B (the gap between crimes that actually occur and crimes recorded in official statistics)
- Answer: B
Question 2
- B1 B (victim survey)
- Answer: B
Question 3
- B1 identifies a genuine limitation, e.g. they cannot capture crimes with no clear individual victim to report them, such as some drug offences
- B1 brief development, e.g. or a victim may not realise, or may not wish to report, that a crime happened
- Answer: Victim surveys cannot capture 'victimless' crimes with no individual to report them, such as some drug offences, and rely on victims being willing and able to recall and disclose what happened.
Question 4
- B1 identifies that some offences, e.g. domestic abuse, happen in private and may not be witnessed by anyone outside the household
- B1 development, e.g. victims may feel unable or unwilling to report such offences
- B1 further point, e.g. for example out of fear, shame or dependency on the offender
- B1 concludes official figures likely understate the true scale of such offences
- Answer: Offences such as domestic abuse happen in private and may not be witnessed by anyone outside the household; victims may feel unable or unwilling to report them, for example out of fear or dependency on the offender, so official figures likely understate their true scale.
Question 5
- B1 identifies that recorded rates reflect who is stopped, searched, arrested and charged, as well as who offends
- B1 development, e.g. sociologists point to evidence that policing attention, such as stop-and-search, is not spread evenly across different areas and groups
- B1 explains this can affect recorded figures independently of underlying offending
- B1 concludes that recorded differences are evidence about the criminal justice system's practices as much as, or more than, straightforward evidence about who commits more crime
- Answer: Recorded crime rates reflect who is stopped, searched, arrested and charged, as well as who actually offends; since policing attention such as stop-and-search is not spread evenly across areas and groups, recorded differences between ethnic groups are evidence about criminal justice system practices as much as, or more than, straightforward evidence about underlying offending.
Question 6
- B1 identifies a genuine limitation, e.g. respondents might underreport their own offending, or over- or under-estimate its seriousness
- B1 brief development, e.g. so self-report data is not a perfect measure either
- Answer: Respondents might underreport their own offending, or over- or under-estimate its seriousness, so self-report data is not a perfect measure of crime patterns either.
Question 7
- B1 identifies that each method has different blind spots, e.g. official statistics miss unreported crime, self-report studies rely on honesty
- B1 development, e.g. combining official statistics, victim surveys and self-report studies can build a fuller and more reliable picture than any single source alone
- B1 further point, e.g. cross-checking where different sources agree or disagree, as in Item E, can itself reveal useful information about policing practices
- B1 accurate, developed conclusion
- Answer: Each method has different blind spots, so sociologists recommend combining official statistics, victim surveys and self-report studies to build a fuller picture than any single source alone; cross-checking where sources agree or disagree, as in Item E, can itself reveal useful information about policing practices.
Question 8
- B1 identifies a genuine method, e.g. guaranteeing participants anonymity or confidentiality
- B1 brief development, e.g. to encourage more honest answers about offending
- Answer: Researchers often guarantee participants anonymity or confidentiality, to encourage more honest answers about offending.
Question 9
- B1 identifies that increased police numbers or patrols in an area can increase the number of offences detected and recorded
- B1 development, e.g. a change in recording practices or local policing priorities can also raise the recorded figures
- B1 further point, e.g. more public reporting, for example due to a local awareness campaign, can raise recorded figures without a real rise in offending
- B1 conclusion linking this back to the general caution about reading recorded statistics as a direct measure of offending
- Answer: Increased police numbers or patrols, a change in recording practices or local priorities, or a rise in public reporting (for example following an awareness campaign) can all increase recorded crime figures for an area without any real rise in offending.
Question 10
- B1 figures on crime that has been reported to, and recorded by, the police (oe)
- B1 development, e.g. compiled and published nationally, for example by the Office for National Statistics
- Answer: Figures on crime that has been reported to and recorded by the police, compiled and published nationally, for example by the Office for National Statistics.
Question 11
- B1 identifies that recorded statistics measure crimes that are reported and recorded, not all crime that actually occurs
- B1 development, e.g. differences between groups in recorded crime rates can reflect differences in policing and reporting practices
- B1 further point, e.g. as well as, or instead of, real differences in offending
- B1 explicit framing point: recorded statistics are therefore evidence about the criminal justice system as much as about behaviour
- Answer: Official statistics measure crimes that are reported and recorded, not all crime that occurs, so differences between groups in recorded rates can reflect differences in policing and reporting practices as much as, or instead of, real differences in offending; recorded statistics are evidence about the criminal justice system as much as about behaviour.
Question 12
- B1 identifies that policing resources are often concentrated on public, street-level offences, for example through patrols in particular areas
- B1 development, e.g. this can mean offences more visible in lower-income areas are more likely to be detected and recorded
- B1 further point, e.g. offences more associated with wealthier groups, such as fraud, may be investigated by different regulatory bodies
- B1 development, e.g. these offences are therefore less visible in headline police-recorded crime figures, even when they cause serious harm
- Answer: Policing resources are often concentrated on public, street-level offences, making offences in some areas more likely to be detected and recorded, while offences more associated with wealthier groups, such as fraud, are often investigated by different regulatory bodies and are less visible in headline crime figures.
Question 13
- B1 identifies that young people spend more time in public spaces, where most policing and CCTV coverage is concentrated
- B1 development, e.g. streets, town centres and public transport
- B1 explains this can make young people's rule-breaking more visible to the police than rule-breaking that happens in private, such as among some older adults
- B1 notes that recorded offending typically declines for most individuals as they get older, a pattern sociologists call desistance
- Answer: Young people spend more time in public spaces, where policing and CCTV coverage are concentrated, making their rule-breaking more visible than rule-breaking that happens in private; recorded offending also typically declines for most people as they get older, a pattern called desistance.
Question 14
- B1 the process by which an individual gradually stops offending, typically as they move into adulthood (oe)
- B1 development, e.g. often linked to taking on roles such as stable employment or family responsibilities
- Answer: The process by which an individual gradually stops offending, typically as they move into adulthood, often linked to taking on roles such as stable employment or family responsibilities.
Question 15
- (a) B1 identifies a genuine pattern, e.g. recorded offending rates tend to be highest among teenagers and young adults, then decline with age
- (a) B1 brief accurate development
- (a) Answer: Recorded offending rates tend to be highest among teenagers and young adults, then decline with age.
- (b) B1 identifies a genuine reason, e.g. it may partly reflect where and how policing resources are focused rather than only real changes in behaviour
- (b) B1 brief development
- (b) Answer: The pattern may partly reflect where and how policing resources are focused, such as greater surveillance of public spaces young people use, rather than only real changes in behaviour with age.
Question 16
- B1 identifies the higher recorded stop-and-search rate in Ashfield despite similar self-reported drug use in both wards
- B1 explains this suggests recorded or detected activity can reflect where police choose to focus resources, not only where an activity actually occurs
- B1 links this to Item E's detail about Ashfield having more visible patrols and CCTV
- B1 explains self-report data, gathered directly from young people rather than through police contact, gives a different picture of underlying behaviour
- B1 concludes that a higher recorded rate in one area does not, by itself, prove people there break rules more than people elsewhere
- B1 accurate use of the item's specific details throughout
- Answer: Since self-reported drug use is similar in both wards but recorded stop-and-search is three times higher in Ashfield, which also has more visible policing, the difference in recorded figures likely reflects where police resources and surveillance are concentrated rather than a real difference in underlying behaviour between the two wards.
Question 17
- B1 identifies self-report studies as asking people directly, often anonymously, whether they have committed offences
- B1 explains this can uncover unreported or undetected behaviour, such as the drug use reported by teenagers in both wards in Item E
- B1 identifies that together these sources can reveal a 'dark figure' of crime that official statistics alone miss
- B1 explains this matters for interpreting patterns such as the Ashfield/Oakdene comparison, since official figures alone would have suggested a real behavioural difference between the wards that Item E's self-report evidence does not support
- B1 development, e.g. combining sources helps sociologists check whether a recorded pattern reflects real behaviour or policing practice
- B1 accurate use of terminology throughout
- Answer: Self-report studies ask people directly, often anonymously, whether they have offended, which can uncover behaviour official statistics miss, such as the similar drug use across both wards in Item E; combining this with police-recorded figures shows that Ashfield's higher recorded stop-and-search rate does not reflect a real behavioural difference, revealing the dark figure that official statistics alone would have hidden.